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On Jambo's white supremacist demagogic copy-and-paste rhetoric.

We were once a much more thoughtful people, before our language was taken away from us.

One of the things we lost was our ability to think in terms of what today might be called "counterfactuals".

E.g. the conditional mood talking about what might or might not happen, depending on other “conditions”. And the subjunctive mood which is hardly left in English, but was all through the old Irish language etc.

In other words we lost our sophisticated sense and intuition regarding cause and effect.

Now on our streets we have the Jambos and Arsefielders who put their hand in their pocket, find no money there, look around themselves for a cause, and immediately notice this "conspicuous difference" in black people.

The circle has now been squared for these muppets - and to exacerbate it an online complex sprang up to exploit the sentiment in the base sentimentalities that these conjectured "connections" bring out.

Sure, Jambo is an extreme on this spectrum. But most of the protests today are on a similar spectrum. They don't have the language to reaaly consider the source of the problems they have today.
 
If we were to really consider say systemic causes, institutional causes, habituated causes, mass psychological causes, and so on - in any way that had any type of political force in it, who and what might that upset?

So actually the "simple causes", the usual populist pronouncements of cause and effect - are precisely what ensures no change, at least in those things that really matter.
 
And of course no one has a window anymore of more than three or four years, the next election.

Whereas economic cycles (to take just one systemic element out of the whole), operate over much longer time spans.

Cycle/wave namePeriod (years)
Kitchin cycle (inventory, e.g. pork cycle)3–5
Juglar cycle (fixed investment)7–11
Kuznets swing (infrastructural investment)15–25
Kondratiev wave (technological basis)45–60

Then you have the evolving political and social sentiment that underlie the above.

Sentiments and real business cycles

That's not all either.
 
An interesting history book extract concerning these "cycles":

"... The moment would come when both the economic and the political systems were threatened by complete paralysis. Fear would grip the people, and leadership would be thrust upon those who offered an easy way out at whatever ultimate price. The time was ripe for the fascist solution.

If ever there was a political movement that responded to the needs of an objective situation and was not a result of fortuitous causes it was fascism. At the same time, the degenerative character of the fascist solution was evident. It offered an escape from an institutional deadlock which was essentially alike in a large number of countries, and yet, if the remedy were tried, it would everywhere produce sickness unto death. That is the manner in which civilizations perish.

The fascist solution of the impasse reached by liberal capitalism can be described as a reform of market economy achieved at the price of the extirpation of all democratic institutions, both in the industrial and in the political realm. The economic system which was in peril of disruption would thus be revitalized, while the people themselves were subjected to a re-education designed to denaturalize the individual and make him unable to function as the responsible unit of the body politic. This re-education, comprising the tenets of a political religion that denied the idea of the brotherhood of man in all its forms, was achieved through an act of mass conversion enforced against recalcitrants by scientific methods of [mental] torture.

The appearance of such a movement in the industrial countries of the globe, and even in a number of only slightly industrialized ones, should never have been ascribed to local causes, national mentalities, or historical backgrounds as was so consistently done by contemporaries.

In fact, there was no type of background of religious, cultural, or national traditionthat made a country immune to fascism, once the conditions for its emergence were given.

Moreover, there was a striking lack of relationship between its material and numerical strength and its political effectiveness. The very term movement was misleading since it implied some kind of enrollment or personal participation of large numbers. If anything was characteristic of fascism it was its independence of such popular manifestations. Though usually aiming at a mass following, its potential strength was reckoned not by the numbers of its adherents but by the influence of the persons in high position whose good will the fascist leaders possessed, and whose influence in the community could be counted upon to shelter them from the consequences of an abortive revolt, thus taking the risks out of revolution.

A country approaching the fascist phase showed symptoms among which the existence of a fascist movement proper was not necessarily one. At least as important signs were the spread of irrationalistic philosophies, racialist esthetics, anticapitalistic demagogy, heterodox currency views, criticism of the party system, widespread disparagement of the regime, or whatever was the name given to the existing democratic set-up In no case was an actual revolution against constituted authority launched; fascist tactics were invariably those of a sham rebellion arranged with the tacit approval of the authorities who pretended to have been overwhelmed by force.

Fascism was an ever given political possibility, an almost instantaneous emotional reaction in every industrial community since the 1930s. One may call it a move in preference to a movement to indicate the impersonal nature of the crisis the symptoms of which were frequently vague and ambiguous. People often did not feel sure whether a political speech or a play, a sermon or a public parade, a metaphysics or an artistic fashion, a poem or a party program was fascist or not. There were no accepted criteria of fascism, nor did it possess conventional tenets. Yet one significant feature of all its organized forms was the abruptness with which they appeared and faded out again, only to burst forth with violence after an indefinite period of latency. All this fits into the picture of a social force that waxed and waned according to the objective situation.

What we termed, for short, fascist situation was no other than the typical occasion of easy and complete fascist victories. All at once, the tremendous industrial and political organizations of labor and of other devoted upholders of constitutional freedom would melt away, and minute fascist forces would brush aside what seemed until then the overwhelming strength of democratic governments, parties, trade unions. If a revolutionary situation is characterized by the psychological and moral disintegration of all forces of resistance to the point where a handful of scantily armed rebels were enabled to storm the supposedly impregnable strongholds of reaction, then the fascist situation was its complete parallel except for the fact that here the bulwarks of democracy and constitutional liberties were stormed and their defenses found wanting in the same spectacular fashion..."


 
Anyway, the original point.

The whole country saw a wrong unfold right in front of their eyes.

A wealth transfer from the future to the present, done on the backs of then children and future generations, who would pay through increased indenture to property when the time came. That was the assumption.

Apparently lower tax, higher salaries, increased welfare, and one's own increasing equity worth was sufficient to buy our silence.

And silence in the face of the stroke pulled in 2008 of the twin pronged "guarantee" and Nama that fastened and sealed the injustice.

The four years that passed before the "protests" were sufficient to subdue the memory of this, erase it, rewrite it.

But this silence even if denied, made unconscious, is still there now.

And I would say it is in fact very much at the root of the present, and made much more powerful precisely because it has been buried so deep down in the sub-conscious.
 
We were once a much more thoughtful people, before our language was taken away from us.

One of the things we lost was our ability to think in terms of what today might be called "counterfactuals".

E.g. the conditional mood talking about what might or might not happen, depending on other “conditions”. And the subjunctive mood which is hardly left in English, but was all through the old Irish language etc.

In other words we lost our sophisticated sense and intuition regarding cause and effect.

Now on our streets we have the Jambos and Arsefielders who put their hand in their pocket, find no money there, look around themselves for a cause, and immediately notice this "conspicuous difference" in black people.

The circle has now been squared for these muppets - and to exacerbate it an online complex sprang up to exploit the sentiment in the base sentimentalities that these conjectured "connections" bring out.

Sure, Jambo is an extreme on this spectrum. But most of the protests today are on a similar spectrum. They don't have the language to reaaly consider the source of the problems they have today.
If we were to really consider say systemic causes, institutional causes, habituated causes, mass psychological causes, and so on - in any way that had any type of political force in it, who and what might that upset?

So actually the "simple causes", the usual populist pronouncements of cause and effect - are precisely what ensures no change, at least in those things that really matter.
And of course no one has a window anymore of more than three or four years, the next election.

Whereas economic cycles (to take just one systemic element out of the whole), operate over much longer time spans.

Cycle/wave namePeriod (years)
Kitchin cycle (inventory, e.g. pork cycle)3–5
Juglar cycle (fixed investment)7–11
Kuznets swing (infrastructural investment)15–25
Kondratiev wave (technological basis)45–60

Then you have the evolving political and social sentiment that underlie the above.

Sentiments and real business cycles

That's not all either.
An interesting history book extract concerning these "cycles":

"... The moment would come when both the economic and the political systems were threatened by complete paralysis. Fear would grip the people, and leadership would be thrust upon those who offered an easy way out at whatever ultimate price. The time was ripe for the fascist solution.

If ever there was a political movement that responded to the needs of an objective situation and was not a result of fortuitous causes it was fascism. At the same time, the degenerative character of the fascist solution was evident. It offered an escape from an institutional deadlock which was essentially alike in a large number of countries, and yet, if the remedy were tried, it would everywhere produce sickness unto death. That is the manner in which civilizations perish.

The fascist solution of the impasse reached by liberal capitalism can be described as a reform of market economy achieved at the price of the extirpation of all democratic institutions, both in the industrial and in the political realm. The economic system which was in peril of disruption would thus be revitalized, while the people themselves were subjected to a re-education designed to denaturalize the individual and make him unable to function as the responsible unit of the body politic. This re-education, comprising the tenets of a political religion that denied the idea of the brotherhood of man in all its forms, was achieved through an act of mass conversion enforced against recalcitrants by scientific methods of [mental] torture.

The appearance of such a movement in the industrial countries of the globe, and even in a number of only slightly industrialized ones, should never have been ascribed to local causes, national mentalities, or historical backgrounds as was so consistently done by contemporaries.

In fact, there was no type of background of religious, cultural, or national traditionthat made a country immune to fascism, once the conditions for its emergence were given.

Moreover, there was a striking lack of relationship between its material and numerical strength and its political effectiveness. The very term movement was misleading since it implied some kind of enrollment or personal participation of large numbers. If anything was characteristic of fascism it was its independence of such popular manifestations. Though usually aiming at a mass following, its potential strength was reckoned not by the numbers of its adherents but by the influence of the persons in high position whose good will the fascist leaders possessed, and whose influence in the community could be counted upon to shelter them from the consequences of an abortive revolt, thus taking the risks out of revolution.

A country approaching the fascist phase showed symptoms among which the existence of a fascist movement proper was not necessarily one. At least as important signs were the spread of irrationalistic philosophies, racialist esthetics, anticapitalistic demagogy, heterodox currency views, criticism of the party system, widespread disparagement of the regime, or whatever was the name given to the existing democratic set-up In no case was an actual revolution against constituted authority launched; fascist tactics were invariably those of a sham rebellion arranged with the tacit approval of the authorities who pretended to have been overwhelmed by force.

Fascism was an ever given political possibility, an almost instantaneous emotional reaction in every industrial community since the 1930s. One may call it a move in preference to a movement to indicate the impersonal nature of the crisis the symptoms of which were frequently vague and ambiguous. People often did not feel sure whether a political speech or a play, a sermon or a public parade, a metaphysics or an artistic fashion, a poem or a party program was fascist or not. There were no accepted criteria of fascism, nor did it possess conventional tenets. Yet one significant feature of all its organized forms was the abruptness with which they appeared and faded out again, only to burst forth with violence after an indefinite period of latency. All this fits into the picture of a social force that waxed and waned according to the objective situation.

What we termed, for short, fascist situation was no other than the typical occasion of easy and complete fascist victories. All at once, the tremendous industrial and political organizations of labor and of other devoted upholders of constitutional freedom would melt away, and minute fascist forces would brush aside what seemed until then the overwhelming strength of democratic governments, parties, trade unions. If a revolutionary situation is characterized by the psychological and moral disintegration of all forces of resistance to the point where a handful of scantily armed rebels were enabled to storm the supposedly impregnable strongholds of reaction, then the fascist situation was its complete parallel except for the fact that here the bulwarks of democracy and constitutional liberties were stormed and their defenses found wanting in the same spectacular fashion..."


Anyway, the original point.

The whole country saw a wrong unfold right in front of their eyes.

A wealth transfer from the future to the present, done on the backs of then children and future generations, who would pay through increased indenture to property when the time came. That was the assumption.

Apparently lower tax, higher salaries, increased welfare, and one's own increasing equity worth was sufficient to buy our silence.

And silence in the face of the stroke pulled in 2008 of the twin pronged "guarantee" and Nama that fastened and sealed the injustice.

The four years that passed before the "protests" were sufficient to subdue the memory of this, erase it, rewrite it.

But this silence even if denied, made unconscious, is still there now.

And I would say it is in fact very much at the root of the present, and made much more powerful precisely because it has been buried so deep down in the sub-conscious.
tumblr_inline_o58r6dmSfe1suaed2_500.gif
 
In short: There weren't protests during the 'Celtic Tiger' and subsequent economic crash and "That's what's make them [Plantation protests] so wrong and dangerous" today

When Paddy and Biddy got the scent of cash money on the breeze, they declined to do any of the jobs they felt were 'below' them. As a result, a few hundred thousand immigrants arrived to scrub your toilets, cook your food, serve your food, clean up after you, sell you your smokes and newspapers, your diesel and petrol, and everything else that needed done while Paddy and Biddy sat around selling each other houses like there was no tomorrow.

Paddy and Biddy then decided to go into the speculative property market buying up even more properties abroad. They called this 'investment'. Large amounts of cash money was both held offshore and taken offshore. They were eating out four nights a week, taking winter and summer holidays abroad, buying up fast cars and high-end watches/jewelry/technology. Massive new shopping centres were built and staffed by foreigners. Paddy and Biddy threw their money at bling and shiny stuff. They borrowed money from Frank to pay Paul. They buried their heads and decided that the good times were here to stay.

I went home to Ireland more often during the noughties: there was money flying through the air. I took the contracts I was offered and pulled numbers out of my arse to see how thick things were. People I previously worked for a hundred euros per day were now willing and able to pay four and five times that. So I grabbed everything I could and used every minute grafting, then taking the cash money back here at less than the ten thousand in cash allowed. I'd usually bring €9,999, and declare it. That way, the Finnish system knew I was flush and didn't rely on them for anything. The minimum you had to have back then to be granted citizenship was €7,500. A bank statement was enough evidence, so I had no problems and neither did Finland.

But I saw how Paddy and Biddy were setting themselves up for a massive fall. It was a fucking clown show. I charged whatever I liked and it was handed over with a smile and a handshake with an invitation to come back next season. Irish rents were fucking ridiculous. I left in late 1999 and was paying €800 a month for a poky but clean and bright little two-bed flat I did up myself (and was then forced to pay a higher rent) which I sublet when I was away. It took until the beginning of this year for my Finnish rental fees to match Irish rents in 1999. I now pay €800.75 for an amazing apartment in Finland's most desirable areas. For seventy-five cents more today than twenty-five years ago in Ranelagh, Dublin 6.

So when you say there was no protest, you're wrong: I protested by leaving the fucking shit-hole island altogether. I protested online, through the blogs, through local groups for Ballyfermot, Dublin, and Ireland in whole. I told you how I made a difficult move rather easily by doing things my own way. My protest was to goad you and poke at you. To keep on laughing at you until you saw through the lies you'd been forced to swallow and had to puke them back up again. I protested by reminding twats like you that even with an industrial quality education, this Ballyer man decided he wasn't going to be played by your puppet government and taken to the cleaners. I kept on writing, I accumulated a near-ten thousand following of Ballyfermot natives now spread out across the world. I protest today by laughing at your complete fucking ignorance and your pathetic fear of the world at large. You stayed because you hadn't the balls to even consider anything else. Spoon fed and on strong alcohol and antibiotics. Letters in the mail that make your skin freeze when they land on the hallway floor. Kept in the dark and lied to still. Looking for people to blame. Looking anywhere, even to telegram. Fake names, cowards who refuse to even contemplate going public about their thoughts. They gang up and circle their wagons every time I poke at them with a long stick.

They want me dead.
Carved up into tiny pieces.
Because they're jealous.
Of a boy from Dublin 10.

I'm free, I'm out - and I'm in the best place I could possibly be: the happiest nation on earth. Where everything works and is on time, where the sun shines bright in summer and snow lays thick in winter. Where the girls are the prettiest. Where the cost of living is easily manageable and everything is fair and equal to all persons therein. Where the monthly bills are paid over without any qualms - because I see all around me how it's spent.

Then I look at you: your canals lined with the world's outcasts, your parliament overrun with rednecks and cowboys. Your hopeless public services. Your world's most excellent expensive children's hospital. The highest paid Prime Minister in Europe. Your filthy and run-down capital city with a portal to Manhattan so they can see how Ireland's working out. Your knackers, your junkies, your endless lists of dead people day after day using your shitty little roads and making you pay to use them after paying to build them at top dollar. Your elderly left to fend for themselves. Your youth staring hopelessly and angrily back at you because there's fuck all to look forward to except them paying your bills by the time you peak and retire, no money in the bank and a sliver clock as retirement present so you can hear the few remaining years you have tick your days out. Contemplation of suicide: is it even worth sticking around? Likely not.

Your children are going to learn to fucking HATE you when they see the scale of the mess you made.

And you DID make it - you're still sitting there at the scene of the crime wondering where all this blood is seeping from.

Paddy, Biddy, and money.

What a dupe.


Suck it up, Loser - it's you that's suffering, not I.
 
When Paddy and Biddy got the scent of cash money on the breeze, they declined to do any of the jobs they felt were 'below' them. As a result, a few hundred thousand immigrants arrived to scrub your toilets, cook your food, serve your food, clean up after you, sell you your smokes and newspapers, your diesel and petrol, and everything else that needed done while Paddy and Biddy sat around selling each other houses like there was no tomorrow.

Paddy and Biddy then decided to go into the speculative property market buying up even more properties abroad. They called this 'investment'. Large amounts of cash money was both held offshore and taken offshore. They were eating out four nights a week, taking winter and summer holidays abroad, buying up fast cars and high-end watches/jewelry/technology. Massive new shopping centres were built and staffed by foreigners. Paddy and Biddy threw their money at bling and shiny stuff. They borrowed money from Frank to pay Paul. They buried their heads and decided that the good times were here to stay.

I went home to Ireland more often during the noughties: there was money flying through the air. I took the contracts I was offered and pulled numbers out of my arse to see how thick things were. People I previously worked for a hundred euros per day were now willing and able to pay four and five times that. So I grabbed everything I could and used every minute grafting, then taking the cash money back here at less than the ten thousand in cash allowed. I'd usually bring €9,999, and declare it. That way, the Finnish system knew I was flush and didn't rely on them for anything. The minimum you had to have back then to be granted citizenship was €7,500. A bank statement was enough evidence, so I had no problems and neither did Finland.

But I saw how Paddy and Biddy were setting themselves up for a massive fall. It was a fucking clown show. I charged whatever I liked and it was handed over with a smile and a handshake with an invitation to come back next season. Irish rents were fucking ridiculous. I left in late 1999 and was paying €800 a month for a poky but clean and bright little two-bed flat I did up myself (and was then forced to pay a higher rent) which I sublet when I was away. It took until the beginning of this year for my Finnish rental fees to match Irish rents in 1999. I now pay €800.75 for an amazing apartment in Finland's most desirable areas. For seventy-five cents more today than twenty-five years ago in Ranelagh, Dublin 6.

So when you say there was no protest, you're wrong: I protested by leaving the fucking shit-hole island altogether. I protested online, through the blogs, through local groups for Ballyfermot, Dublin, and Ireland in whole. I told you how I made a difficult move rather easily by doing things my own way. My protest was to goad you and poke at you. To keep on laughing at you until you saw through the lies you'd been forced to swallow and had to puke them back up again. I protested by reminding twats like you that even with an industrial quality education, this Ballyer man decided he wasn't going to be played by your puppet government and taken to the cleaners. I kept on writing, I accumulated a near-ten thousand following of Ballyfermot natives now spread out across the world. I protest today by laughing at your complete fucking ignorance and your pathetic fear of the world at large. You stayed because you hadn't the balls to even consider anything else. Spoon fed and on strong alcohol and antibiotics. Letters in the mail that make your skin freeze when they land on the hallway floor. Kept in the dark and lied to still. Looking for people to blame. Looking anywhere, even to telegram. Fake names, cowards who refuse to even contemplate going public about their thoughts. They gang up and circle their wagons every time I poke at them with a long stick.

They want me dead.
Carved up into tiny pieces.
Because they're jealous.
Of a boy from Dublin 10.

I'm free, I'm out - and I'm in the best place I could possibly be: the happiest nation on earth. Where everything works and is on time, where the sun shines bright in summer and snow lays thick in winter. Where the girls are the prettiest. Where the cost of living is easily manageable and everything is fair and equal to all persons therein. Where the monthly bills are paid over without any qualms - because I see all around me how it's spent.

Then I look at you: your canals lined with the world's outcasts, your parliament overrun with rednecks and cowboys. Your hopeless public services. Your world's most excellent expensive children's hospital. The highest paid Prime Minister in Europe. Your filthy and run-down capital city with a portal to Manhattan so they can see how Ireland's working out. Your knackers, your junkies, your endless lists of dead people day after day using your shitty little roads and making you pay to use them after paying to build them at top dollar. Your elderly left to fend for themselves. Your youth staring hopelessly and angrily back at you because there's fuck all to look forward to except them paying your bills by the time you peak and retire, no money in the bank and a sliver clock as retirement present so you can hear the few remaining years you have tick your days out. Contemplation of suicide: is it even worth sticking around? Likely not.

Your children are going to learn to fucking HATE you when they see the scale of the mess you made.

And you DID make it - you're still sitting there at the scene of the crime wondering where all this blood is seeping from.

Paddy, Biddy, and money.

What a dupe.



Suck it up, Loser - it's you that's suffering, not I.
tldr
 
I think it's a bit early for roc_abilly roc_abilly to be strung out on meth.. but that's probably not the case

He's just fucking insane 🤣 (what have I been telling you all this time) and his insanity is channelled into a (genocidal) hatred of white people. No one gives the Jews more of a bad name than roc
 
I'm just amazed you're up and out of bed by midday, Jimmy.

What happened?

Was your wanking sock too crispy and you had to fetch another?
 
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